Posts Tagged ‘Notes’

Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa

Saturday, January 30th, 2010

Tulang isinulat ni Gat Andres Bonifacio
(1896 panahon ng pakikidigma sa mga mananakop na kastila)

Aling pag-ibig pa ang hihigit kaya
sa pagka-dalisay at pagka-dakila
gaya ng pag-ibig sa tinubuang lupa?
Alin pag-ibig pa? Wala na nga, wala.

Ulit-ulitin mang basahin ng isip
at isa-isahing talastasing pilit
ang salita’t buhay na limbag at titik
ng isang katauhan ito’y namamasid.

Banal na pag-ibig pag ikaw ang nukal
sa tapat na puso ng sino’t alinman,
imbit taong gubat, maralita’t mangmang
nagiging dakila at iginagalang.

Pagpuring lubos ang nagiging hangad
sa bayan ng taong may dangal na ingat,
umawit, tumula, kumatha’t sumulat,
kalakhan din nila’y isinisiwalat.

Walang mahalagang hindi inihandog
ng pusong mahal sa Bayang nagkupkop,
dugo, yaman, dunong, tiisa’t pagod,
buhay ma’y abuting magkalagot-lagot.

Bakit? Ano itong sakdal nang laki
na hinahandugan ng buong pag kasi
na sa lalong mahal kapangyayari
at ginugugulan ng buhay na iwi.

Ay! Ito’y ang Inang Bayang tinubuan,
siya’y ina’t tangi na kinamulatan
ng kawili-wiling liwanag ng araw
na nagbibigay init sa lunong katawan.

Sa kanya’y utang ang unang pagtanggol
ng simoy ng hanging nagbigay lunas,
sa inis na puso na sisinghap-singhap,
sa balong malalim ng siphayo’t hirap.

Kalakip din nito’y pag-ibig sa Bayan
ang lahat ng lalong sa gunita’y mahal
mula sa masaya’t gasong kasanggulan.
hanggang sa katawan ay mapasa-libingan.

Ang na nga kapanahon ng aliw,
ang inaasahang araw na darating
ng pagka-timawa ng mga alipin,
liban pa ba sa bayan tatanghalin?

At ang balang kahoy at ang balang sanga
na parang niya’t gubat na kaaya-aya
sukat ang makita’t sasa-ala-ala
ang ina’t ang giliw lampas sa saya.

Tubig niyang malinaw sa anak’y bulog
bukal sa batisang nagkalat sa bundok
malambot na huni ng matuling agos
na nakaa-aliw sa pusong may lungkot.

Sa kaba ng abang mawalay sa Bayan!
gunita ma’y laging sakbibi ng lumbay
walang ala-ala’t inaasam-asam
kundi ang makita’ng lupang tinubuan.

Pati na’ng magdusa’t sampung kamatayan
waring masarap kung dahil sa Bayan
at lalong maghirap, O! himalang bagay,
lalong pag-irog pa ang sa kanya’y alay.

Kung ang bayang ito’y nasa panganib
at siya ay dapat na ipagtangkilik
ang anak, asawa, magulang, kapatid
isang tawag niya’y tatalikdang pilit.

Datapwa kung bayan ng ka-Tagalogan
ay nilalapastangan at niyuyurakan
katwiran, puri niya’t kamahalan
ng sama ng lilong ibang bayan.

Di gaano kaya ang paghinagpis
ng pusong Tagalog sa puring nalait
at aling kaluoban na lalong tahimik
ang di pupukawin sa paghihimagsik?

Saan magbubuhat ang paghihinay
sa paghihiganti’t gumugol ng buhay
kung wala ring ibang kasasadlakan
kundi ang lugami sa ka-alipinan?

Kung ang pagka-baon niya’t pagka-busabos
sa lusak ng daya’t tunay na pag-ayop
supil ng pang-hampas tanikalang gapos
at luha na lamang ang pinaa-agos

Sa kanyang anyo’y sino ang tutunghay
na di-aakayin sa gawang magdamdam
pusong naglilipak sa pagka-sukaban
na hindi gumagalang dugo at buhay.

Mangyari kayang ito’y masulyap
ng mga Tagalog at hindi lumingap
sa naghihingalong Inang nasa yapak
ng kasuklam-suklam na Castilang hamak.

Nasaan ang dangal ng mga Tagalog,
nasaan ang dugong dapat na ibuhos?
bayan ay inaapi, bakit di kumikilos?
at natitilihang ito’y mapanuod.

Hayo na nga kayo, kayong ngang buhay
sa pag-asang lubos na kaginhawahan
at walang tinamo kundi kapaitan,
kaya nga’t ibigin ang naaabang bayan.

Kayong antayan na sa kapapasakit
ng dakilang hangad sa batis ng dibdib
muling pabalungit tunay na pag-ibig
kusang ibulalas sa bayang piniit.

Kayong nalagasan ng bunga’t bulaklak
kahoy niyaring buhay na nilant sukat
ng bala-balakit makapal na hirap
muling manariwa’t sa baya’y lumiyag.

Kayong mga pusong kusang (pugal)
ng dagat at bagsik ng ganid na asal,
ngayon magbangon’t baya’y itanghal
agawin sa kuko ng mga sukaban.

Kayong mga dukhang walang tanging (lasap)
kundi ang mabuhay sa dalita’t hirap,
ampunin ang bayan kung nasa ay lunas
sapagkat ang ginhawa niya ay sa lahat.

Ipaghandog-handog ang buong pag-ibig
hanggang sa mga dugo’y ubusang itigis
kung sa pagtatanggol, buhay ay (mailit)
ito’y kapalaran at tunay na langit.

Who is LTSG JAMES LAYUG?

Thursday, October 22nd, 2009

LTSG James Arandila Layug was born July 12, 1970, in Cavite Naval Hospital, Cavite City. His father, CPO Wilfredo Layug, was an enlisted man who served the Philippine armed service for more than 30 years. In 1974 their family moved to a military barrio at Western Bicutan, Taguig where he grew up in the company and friendship of other enlisted personnel’s children commonly referred to as “Batang Mess Kit”. He attended elementary and high school at Malate Catholic School where he learned the values of Christian faith. (more…)

The National Recovery Program

Monday, July 27th, 2009

February 2003

The National Recovery Program (NRP) is inspired by a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Philippines and a united Filipino citizenry. It advocates social equity as the essence of governance and equality and social justice as the true measures of democracy. The pursuit of this noble vision would tread on a long, circuitous and difficult path and thus, would require structural changes to some institutional restrictions that have been hindering our progress and development.

The dire situation we are in calls for drastic, sweeping reforms and there is no way around it. Political concessions and accommodations will never solve our problems. Therefore, the decisions must be hard and steadfast.

The NRP does not pretend to be a panacea for our country’s problems. Instead, its primary objective is to arrest the rapid spiraling descent of our Republic and lay the foundation for a truly strong Nation. More importantly, it intends to ignite a moral and cultural revolution to finally free us from the clutches of greed, indolence, subservience, ignorance and helplessness that have been ingrained on our psyche through centuries of colonial persecution.

The NRP is a strategic package of policy propositions, which focuses on five key result areas of governance. These are: Peace and Order, Economy, Poverty, Population and Corruption.

PEACE and ORDER

The peace and order problem is the main stumbling block to our country’s progress. We can not develop as a nation as long as lawlessness is prevalent in our society. Economic gains, if any, will be negated and domestic/foreign investments and tourists will be discouraged to come in. Worse, the atmosphere of crime and terror has prevented our citizens from enjoying the blessings of freedom and democracy.
To address the problem more effectively, Peace and Order is dissected into five areas of concern namely: foreign aggression, terrorism, criminality, insurgency and secessionism. Each area is completely diverse with the other and, therefore, each requires a unique strategy for its resolution.

A. Diplomatic solutions to deal with Foreign Aggression

The contested claims for Sabah, Spratly Island Group and the Scarborough Shoals are, at the moment, the potential flashpoints, which could trigger a conflict with other countries. If ever, these would be settled diplomatically by invoking international laws. As an added measure, bilateral ties with concerned countries would be strengthened. This would be a much more peaceful and inexpensive option than engaging in an arms race.

B. War vs. Terrorism

Terrorism is a global concern. We have seen its ugly head many times over, mercilessly killing innocent lives in the guise of pursuing fanatical beliefs or ideology. It must be stopped and the responsibility for its extermination falls not only on the State but on each member of society. This would be achieved through vigilance, relentless exchange of information and highly responsive law enforcement agencies.

C. Campaign against Crime

Criminality is a menace of society. The past decades saw the rapid increase in crime incidence threatening business, tourism and, more importantly, the normal lives of ordinary Filipinos. While it is true that poverty is one root cause of crime, many rich and powerful people also commit these dastardly acts. Either way, there should be nothing to stop the State from protecting the other helpless members of society and applying justice to these criminals.
To effectively deal with criminality however, the other legs of the criminal justice system such as law enforcement, prosecution, judiciary and rehabilitation would have to be reformed.
The following anti-crime measures would be undertaken:

• Reformation of the Philippine National Police (to be discussed below). This would ensure that our laws would be strictly and properly enforced.
• Conduct of entrapment operations directed to corrupt prosecutors/members of the Judiciary
• Cleansing of the Judiciary. The Supreme Court would be urged to cleanse their ranks of hoodlums in robes. All pending cases due for decision should be resolved within 6 months otherwise they would face impeachment (i.e. culpable violation of Sec. 16 of Art III of the Constitution) or direct ouster by the people. The people have “legitimately” done this to an elected President before. Thus, following this line it could also be legitimately done to the Supreme Court. The Judiciary is just as responsible for the present mess in our criminal justice system as the others.
• Reformation of the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology. Any incidence of prisoner escape would mean outright relief/discharge for the jail warden and other responsible personnel. The BJMP facilities would also be improved to enhance the rehabilitation process for prisoners.
• Filing of an anti-crime bill that would, among others, establish a National Identification System.
• Promotion of vigilance in society.
*It should be stressed that in addressing criminality, HUMAN RIGHTS WOULD BE RESPECTED AT ALL TIMES.

D. Ending the Insurgency

The CPP-NPA insurgency has been around for more than thirty years. However, the end of the Cold War in the 90’s had effectively removed the ideological causes for its armed struggle. Still, its demands for social equity and social justice are valid causes that should be dealt with squarely by the State.
To end the insurgency, the following activities would be undertaken:

• Reopening of peace talks with local communist leaders. This would directly tackle the demands of local insurgents so that regional peace could be achieved immediately.
• Rural infrastructure development. The construction of roads, school buildings, health care facilities and mass housing in far-flung barangays to promote social equity.
• Delivery of basic social services. Medical and Dental missions, socio-civic operations and Minimum Basic Needs (MBN) activities would be conducted at far-flung barangays including NPA mass bases.
• Agricultural modernization. Rural employment and economic growth would discourage the rural folk from joining the insurgency.
• Agrarian reform. This would greatly address the problem of social inequity.
• Establishment of the Barangay Intelligence Network. This would enable the National Government (NG) to be abreast of the prevailing social, economic and security conditions in all barangays nationwide.

E. Lasting Peace in Mindanao

The handling of Muslim secessionist groups is much more complicated considering that it has historical, religious, social, economic, cultural, political and military dimensions. Therefore, the strategy to be employed would likewise require a multi-dimensional approach. On the historical and religious facets of the problem, the Muslims and Christians would be made to understand that they are equally essential parts of a composite National Identity that is Filipino. We are all Filipinos and to fight this reality is futile and would only bring more bloodshed than it already has. All of us could be considered victims of history and we could argue and fight to the death and it would still not change our present predicaments. The best thing to do now should be to resolve our differences so that we could jointly move forward to a progressive future for our succeeding generations.

The social, economic, cultural and political dimensions of the problem would be addressed through a truly autonomous government for each major Muslim group (e.g. Tausugs, Maranaos, Maguindanaons, etc.). The failure of the present ARMM is but a manifestation of how the diverse Muslim groups were completely misunderstood.

Finally, those who insist on pursuing secession through arms would leave the State no other choice but to deal with them militarily.

The Abu Sayyaf group, on the other hand, is considered a terrorist group and therefore, would have to be exterminated.

The following activities would be undertaken to finally bring lasting peace in Mindanao:

• Reopening of peace talks with MILF and other Muslim secessionist groups.
• Establishment of Autonomous Muslim Regions for each major Muslim group accompanied by a viable “mini-Marshall Plan” for each. This would finally allow each Muslim Group to completely govern themselves free from any socio-cultural oppression.
• The filing of a bill calling for the institution of a National Identity to foster unity among all Filipinos regardless of social status, religion, ideology and culture.
• Rural infrastructure development. The construction of roads, school buildings, health care facilities and mass housing in far-flung Muslim barangays to promote social equity. The AFP Engineering Brigades could be used for this purpose.

F. Reformation of the AFP/PNP

A key element in the resolution of the above concerns is the reformation of two major organizations primarily responsible for the upkeep of peace and order namely: the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP). Both institutions have been badly damaged and plundered by their treacherously corrupt and power-driven senior officers. While there may still be a few morally upright generals left in the AFP/PNP nonetheless, they have become so insignificant and impotent that they never made any difference.

For us to have any chance of restoring peace and order, these institutions must be reformed, cleansed and restructured.

In the AFP, the funds for modernization, intelligence, operations and maintenance were blatantly and methodically realigned straight to the generals’ pockets and lavish houses. All these were done while their men on the field, the lowly soldiers on foot patrol wearing dilapidated uniforms and using antiquated weapons, were risking their lives fiercely fighting for military victories, which these same generals unashamedly took credit for. These soldiers do not even have their own houses to come home to, as most of them are squatters inside military camps. To top it all, even their retirement pay was not spared as the RSBS was again pillaged by the same military leaders.

The situation in the PNP, as everyone would agree, is much worse. We have policemen engaging in murder, kidnap-for-ransom, robbery, drug trafficking, extortion, bribery and illegal gambling. In short, the very institution that was supposed to protect the welfare of the people is the same institution that is terrorizing them.

To reform the AFP/PNP, the following activities would be undertaken:

1. On Professionalization

• All officers with the rank of Brigadier General/Commodore/Chief Superintendent and up would have to be retired. Should they refuse, they would be placed on floating status. This would give a new face to these organizations – the face of reform. Meritocracy would henceforth be the sole basis for the selection of the new AFP/PNP leaders.
• The tenure of Major Commanders would be fixed. The rapid turnover of officers occupying sensitive positions has resulted in the absence of institutional reforms. The senior officers often treat their present assignments as mere stepping-stones for their next higher assignment. The tenure of every Chief-of-Staff would be fixed at three years. This would ensure that reforms could be implemented and institutionalized. However, an incumbent Chief of Staff may be relieved unceremoniously by the Commander-in-Chief for corruption, incompetence, negligence and other offenses. The following would be the fixed terms of other major commanders: Commanding General, Philippine Army, 3 yrs; Commanding General, Philippine Air Force, 3 yrs; Flag-Officer-In-Command, Philippine Navy, 3 yrs; Chief, PNP, 3 yrs; Commander, Area Commands, 3 yrs; Positions with rank of Major Gen/Radm, minimum of 2 yrs; Positions with rank of Brig Gen/Commo, minimum of 1 yr.
• The number of generals would be reduced.
• Establishment of the Inspector General Service and the Judge Advocate General Service as separate branches of service under the direct operational control of the Commander-in-Chief. This would free these investigation, prosecution and judicial arms of the AFP from the pressures of their superiors so that they could accomplish their mandated tasks with a dispassionate and unbiased perspective.
• The curricula of PMA/PNPA and other military and police training institutions would be revised to include modules focusing on leadership training, character development, patriotism and nationalism.
• Conduct of regular value formation and re-indoctrination activities to inculcate proper values into the hearts and minds AFP/PNP personnel.

2. On structural reforms

• The PNP would be reabsorbed by the AFP. The PNP’s character transformation to being civilian has worked disastrously against the interest of national security and public safety. The re-absorption to the AFP would allow PNP personnel to be subjected to military laws and save the organization from a total breakdown in discipline. Also, this would consolidate the major law enforcement agencies for better control and coordination during joint operations.
• Camp Crame would be dissolved and sold. The PNP headquarters would be relocated to Camp Aguinaldo.
• The AFP J-Staff would be abolished. In its place, a Joint Strategic Staff would be formed composed of the Commanders of the different branches of service and the Chief of Staff, who would be its Chairman. Its primary function is strategic command, control and planning for the entire AFP.
• The ISAFP would be under the direct operational control of the Chief-of-Staff.
• All arms and ammunition of the AFP/PNP, Government Arsenal and other manufacturers would be subjected to an inventory. A database would also be created to facilitate accounting. This would stop the continued pilferage of arms and ammo, which are either sold to the enemies of the State or used in criminal operations.

3. On Morale and Welfare

• Salaries of AFP personnel would be standardized to match their PNP counterparts.
• AFP/PNP personnel in combat areas would receive a combat pay equivalent to 25% of their base pay.
• Mass housing for all AFP/PNP personnel would be prioritized. This would be situated in the vast military reservations nationwide.
• The RSBS would be overhauled to ensure that the retirement pay of all AFP personnel would be guaranteed.
• Improvement of medical facilities and health services for the AFP/PNP personnel and dependents.
• Increase of the subsistence allowance to at least P100 per day.

4. On Operations and Modernization

• Thrust on Internal Security Operations (ISO). All manpower and resources of the AFP/PNP would be focused on the resolution of internal peace and order problems.
• Assist in nation building. AFP Engineering Brigades would be used extensively in the rural infrastructure efforts of the NG. All other AFP/PNP units would increase their conduct of Medical/Dental missions and Civic-Action operations.
• The AFP Modernization Program would be reviewed. Basic requirements for ISO as encapsulated in the Shoot-Move-Communicate-Force protection concept would be satisfied first before embarking on more ambitious projects.
• Intensification of intelligence operations directed against the enemies of the State to include the establishment of the Barangay Intelligence Network.

ECONOMY

According to 2002 reports, our GDP and GNP posted growths of 4.6% and 5.2% respectively. While this may be true, the question is who benefited most from this growth? The poor? The working middle class? Or the upper class?

To better analyze the true state of our economy, we would put forth some hard facts, which were not given as much emphasis. The unemployment rate is over ten percent. Investor confidence is very low and businesses are down. The Agriculture sector has contracted. And our total outstanding external debt as of September 2002 has surpassed $50-billion. To top it all, we have a runaway budget deficit reaching P200-billion that is threatening to halt government operations.

We need to reverse this economic downturn quickly before it totally collapses.
Below are the key economic reforms/activities to be undertaken for our immediate economic recovery:

1. On Fiscal Administration

• Reformation of the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) and the Bureau of Customs (BOC). (to be discussed below)
• The removal of the 32% income tax limit for high-income earners.
• Strict enforcement of laws against tax evasion.
• Initiation of the repeal of the Automatic Appropriations Law (AAL). This would effectively de-prioritize debt payments. However, the payments for government bonds issued as well as other domestic debts would still be guaranteed by the NG. Also, foreign lending institutions would be assured that debts owed to them would not be written off.
• NG to make representations to developmental banks such as World Bank and Asian Development Bank for immediate debt relief.
• Eradication of bureaucratic corruption. (to be discussed below)
• Crackdown on smuggling operations.
• Implementation of the National Austerity Program. This would be applied to all national government agencies (NGA). The activities under this program would include the following:

a. All NG funded foreign travel would be banned for at least 3 yrs. International conferences earlier committed to by the NG would be attended by the Vice-President and no more than five members of his staff. This alone could save at least P500M annually for the NG and also enable the President to focus more on domestic concerns.
b. The procurement of service vehicles for all NGA’s would be banned. COA would be notified that any payments thereof should be disallowed including procurement circumventions such as “knock-down parts” or substitution.
c. All Presidential Advisers and consultants would be removed.
d. NGA’s/LGU’s/GOCC’s should have no more than two (2) technical consultants each.
e. Salaries and allowances of all Presidential appointees on all GOCC’s and other private corporations to which the NG has a stake on, would be standardized and should never exceed the salary of the President. To ensure compliance, a contract would be executed between the appointee and the NG prior to the former’s appointment stating, among others, that any form of remuneration given in excess of the amount of the salary of the President would be turned-in to the Bureau of Treasury immediately upon its receipt.
f. Expenditures for meetings, conferences, ceremonies, trips, Christmas parties, anniversary celebrations, etc., would be set at a minimum.
g. All NGA’s and LGU’s would practice fuel and electricity cost-reducing measures.
h. Ceremonial functions of the President would be reduced to a minimum.

In sum, the financial surplus expected to be generated through the increased revenue collection, eradication of corruption, crackdown on smuggling, bureaucratic streamlining, National Austerity Program and the repeal of the AAL, would be re-channeled to finance the rehabilitation and reinvigoration of the Agriculture and Industry sectors, infrastructure development as well as to support programs on education and anti-poverty thereby spurring sustainable and equitable economic growth and productivity.

2. On Globalization

Globalization as a paradigm originated from 1st World countries. Thus, it is highly probable that the economists who conceptualized it did not dwell on its possible negative effects on developing countries. More likely, their foremost concern was how to tap the huge but protected 3rd World markets to advance their own economic interests. They shrouded this scheme by preaching that Globalization would ultimately benefit consumers of all nations, as they would now have access to high quality, world-class products at the cheapest price.

However, the impact of Globalization on our country would be catastrophic. The infancy of our Agriculture and Industry sectors could not stand against global standards and would eventually collapse. This would result in the wholesale displacement of farmers and laborers across the country causing social unrest, anarchy and possibly, civil war. In short, in completely embracing globalization we would be risking the survival of our State only for the sake of consumer welfare.

Sadly, however, we are already members of the WTO and so are most countries in the world. Hence, any stand against globalization at this point has become untenable. Still, this should not stop the State from protecting its own interests.
The following activities would be undertaken to countervail the effects of Globalization:

• Review of WTO commitments.
• NG to make representations to WTO to move the full implementation of WTO agreements for another ten years citing national security concerns.
• Protection of the Agricultural sector through the re-imposition of Quantitative Restrictions/Tariff on imported agricultural products.
• Reinvigoration, rehabilitation and modernization of the Agricultural and Industrial sectors through government subsidies.
• Removal of all tariff barriers on imported products and raw materials used extensively for local manufacturing.
• Revisit the “Buy Filipino” policy to help boost the local industries and help foster National Pride on our local products.
• Launch an aggressive marketing campaign for export products utilizing foreign service offices.
• Spearhead the forging of a coalition of 3rd World countries within WTO that would protect the interests of developing countries.

POVERTY

NSCB statistics for 2000 show that of the 15.3 million households in the Philippines, 33.7% fall below the poverty threshold, meaning 5.1 million families could not satisfy their basic needs. This was a 2.4 percentage increase from the poverty incidence in 1997. The poverty problem is also coupled with very minimal access to the basic social services offered by the NG, such as education, health services and shelter.

To alleviate poverty, the best strategy for the short and medium terms would be to generate employment and have at least one member of each family employed. However, the abject poor people in our society who are too sick, too old or too young for employment should receive help right away.

For the long term solution to poverty, the free and easy access to formal education is still the best strategy.
The following activities would be undertaken to alleviate poverty:

• The budget for education would be at least doubled to ensure that the poor would always have free and easy access to formal education.
• The Minimum Basic Needs strategy would be retained but its implementation would now be directly supervised by the Office of the President to facilitate inter-department coordination and to better monitor compliance.
• Establishment of institutional homes for the aged, disabled, mentally sick and street children.
• Rural Development. Rural employment would be generated through labor-intensive infrastructure projects like farm-to-market roads, irrigation facilities, post-harvest facilities, mass housing, school buildings and health care institutions. This would be complemented with provisions for education, health care, electrification and access to potable water.
• Agriculturalization. The renewed thrust towards the protection and rehabilitation of the agricultural sector could provide the impetus for agricultural growth, employment generation and consequently, the eradication of rural poverty. In addition, this would stem the influx of rural poor to the urban areas. The urban poor may even be persuaded to seek opportunities in the rural areas. The Agricultural thrust would include:

a. The immediate implementation of the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act.
b. NG mediation for the immediate release of the frozen Coco levy funds to be used for the rehabilitation of the coconut industry.
c. The break-up of cartels on agricultural products.
d. Crackdown on smuggling of agricultural products.

• Wealth distribution through Agrarian Reform.

a. The Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) would be given a one-year deadline to complete land distribution after which it would be reduced to a mere branch under the Department of Agriculture. The DAR budget would then be re-channeled to finance Agri-Agra loans.
b. Cooperatives would be promoted and enhanced as tools for the protection of the newly landed as well as to guide them in Agribusiness. It would also serve as conduits for the release of Agri-Agra loans.
c. The conversion of agricultural lands into residential or industrial lands would be banned.

CORRUPTION

Corruption is the bane of our country. Its roots could be traced way back during the colonial era and is now deeply imbedded in our bureaucracy, our culture and our society. Previous administrations have attempted to eradicate corruption through words or actions, only to find out the futility of it all.

But now, there is a way.

Corruption in itself is complex. Corrupt practices should not be lumped together as one form requiring one formula in eradicating it. Each government agency has, through the years, bred its own peculiar type of corruption. Applying conventional anti-corruption strategies of inserting additional checks and balances would only result in the formulation of new ways of circumvention. In the end, the net effect is only additional bureaucratic red tape for the public. Another failed strategy is creating a super Anti-Corruption agency, which has no inkling as to where the corruption occurs.

The participation of the private sector is also not the remedy as they are often party to the commission of corruption. The culture of corruption is as prevalent in the private sector as it is in government.
Corruption, based on where they occur, can be classified into two, Operational and Administrative.

A. Operational Corruption

Operational corruption is where the act occurs as a result or as part of an agency’s operational activity. An example of this is in the BIR wherein the common acts of corruption like bribery and extortion occur during the conduct of its operational activity that is tax collection. Corruption in other revenue collecting and regulating agencies such as Customs, COMELEC, LTO, LRA, etc., falls in this category. The PNP’s corrupt practices of kotong and hulidap also fall under operational corruption.

To effectively deal with this systemic problem, it would likewise require a systemic solution. In other words, the very same agency, which created its own form of corruption, would be the same agency to be used to decimate it. This would be done through performance audits. Performance targets with zero-corruption assumptions would first be set jointly by the agency concerned and the NG. This way, the NG would only need to monitor the performance as compared to the targets to measure the agency’s success or failure in its anti-corruption drive. Agency heads who would fail to reach the imposed targets would be relieved immediately. This would force the agency head to apply the same standard to his subordinates and so on and so forth. Until a cycle of top-to-bottom reforms has been completed in that particular agency.

The following tasks would be undertaken to address operational corruption:

• Reformation of BIR and BOC.

a. All Commissioners/Deputy Commissioners as well as all the District Collectors of BOC and all the Regional and District Officers of BIR would be immediately relieved. This would give a fresh start to these organizations. Meritocracy would be the sole basis for the selection of the new set of revenue officers and collectors.
b. New annual revenue collection targets would be set for both BIR and BOC. All revenue officers and collectors who would reach these targets would receive incentives. But those who fail to reach the targets would be relieved. This would again spark a top-to-bottom cleansing of their agencies since the pressure of trying to reach the targets would force the regional/district heads to set certain targets to their subordinates and subject them to the same performance audit standards.
c. Tax audit of individuals and corporations.
d. Computerization of BIR and BOC.

• Reformation of other NGAs engaged in operational corruption using the same strategy as stated above.
• Computerization of COMELEC and other revenue collecting/regulating agencies.

B. Administrative Corruption

Administrative corruption is a different type altogether. It is where the corrupt act occurs as a result or as part of an agency’s performance of an administrative function. This includes procurement of supplies, equipment and personnel, hiring of services, facilitation of contracts, processing of documents, etc.

To illustrate, one of the administrative tasks of the Philippine Army (PA) is to procure ammunition. Let us assume that according to procurement documents, the PA procured 100,000 rounds of ammunition in the amount of P2 million. Everything in the said documents were in order and had the corresponding signatures and receipts; therefore, the payment was allowed by COA. In truth however, not a single ammunition was delivered. Instead, P1.4 million in cash was given to the Commanding General, PA. The other P600,000.00 was distributed equitably as profits for the supplier and as “lagay” for COA and other significant signatories who facilitated the transaction. This form of administrative corruption is called “conversion” or “ghost delivery”. How could this happen? Collusion. All persons involved in the procurement process were either involved in the pay-off or were forced to sign for fear of their superiors. As for the COA, he/she receives 1-2% equivalent of the total amount indicated in the purchase order to allow the payment for the transaction.

To guard against this type of corruption, the reformation of the Commission on Audit is the key. Under the present system, the COA is the primary instrument of the State in guarding against administrative corruption. Since the government is concededly immersed in corruption, one simple conclusion can be borne out that is – COA has failed miserably in effectively performing its mandate. Worse, it had often been an accomplice to the bureaucratic corruption it was supposed to guard against.

The following are the reasons why some COA auditors have a propensity for such negative bureaucratic behavior: (1) threats/pressure from the heads of NGA’s/LGU’s, (2) boundary exchange or familiarity with officials/offices being audited and (3) simple greed.

The following activities would be undertaken to address administrative corruption:

• The immediate implementation of the Procurement Reform Act.
• The cleansing of all NGA/LGU employee rosters to weed out “ghost” employees.
• Restructuring of COA auditing procedures.

a. Transfer of all tenant COA offices to the Regional Offices. Post-auditing would be done at the security of their own regional offices so as to insulate them from external pressure and prevent boundary exchange.
b. NGA’s documents for auditing that are within the jurisdiction of a Regional COA office would be raffled off to COA auditors to maintain randomness and avoid collusion and bribery during post-audit.
c. Monthly random inspection of supply bodegas of all NGA’s by COA auditors to ensure that the actual inventory reconciles with the quantities stated in the inventory reports. This would do away with such corrupt practices as conversion/ghost delivery and substitution.

POPULATION

In 2002, the Philippines placed third among Southeast Asian countries with the most number of people. The population now stands at more than 80 million people, with a growth rate of 2.3%. At this rate, the population is projected to reach 100 million by 2015.

The country’s rapid population growth has negative effects on economic growth, delivery of basic social services, environment and is one of the primary causes of poverty. To address this problem, there would have to be a shift in the population policy from one that promotes only natural methods of birth control to one that promotes both natural and artificial means of birth control. It should be stressed however, that ABORTION WOULD STILL BE ILLEGAL and would never be condoned.

The following population control measures would be undertaken:

• Declaration of a national policy to control population through natural or artificial means with an emphasis on the need to avert population explosion.
• Distribution of free or affordable artificial contraceptive devices to all health centers nationwide.
• Information campaign on population management subjects such as responsible parenthood, family planning, reproductive health and proper use of contraceptives.
• Inclusion of value formation activities in the curricula of Secondary or Tertiary levels of education.
• Church-State Dichotomy. The separation of Church and State is guaranteed by the Constitution. Hence, it is the role of the State to apply whatever strategy it could effectively use to address a particular crisis. In this case, in dealing with the population problem, the strategy to be employed by the State is to make artificial contraceptive devices accessible to the people and allow them to freely choose the appropriate birth control method that is suitable for them. The role of the Church on the other hand, is to influence its own flock whether or not to use such devices instead of interfering directly with State policies.

The Last Revolution

Monday, July 27th, 2009

TOWARDS A NEW PHILIPPINE ORDER

By Bagong Katipunan

A DAY IN THE LIFE OF A FILIPINO

It was still early in the morning when Mang Nestor got up from bed. He is now quietly sipping a cup of salabat inside his kubo as he prepares to walk to the town. Mang Nestor is a rice farmer in the strife-torn town in Central Mindanao. Today, however, he will not farm. He had been told a day before that the area where the rice fields are, had been declared “No Man’s Land” by the AFP as part of the on-going military operations against the MILF. Taking advantage of the break, Mang Nestor decided to spend the day to look for a doctor. He had long wanted something to relieve himself of the sharp pain in his abdomen. He believes it is some sort of liver ailment as told by the albularyo he consulted with.

At the health center, Mang Nestor dutifully waited for his turn. After patiently waiting for a few hours, he was finally called but only to be dismissed quickly by the attending health worker since the doctor was not around. Besides, he was also informed that there was no medicine available. Eventually, he was told to come back the following week as the doctor should arrive by then. Realizing that he had no more business in the town, Mang Nestor then headed slowly back for home. As he strode by the dirt road, he began to shake his head in regret when he figured that his habitual drinking could likely be the cause of his predicament. He smirks as he recollected about those whole-day drinking sprees he and his friends did back then to provide some form of cheap entertainment as well as to drown his hunger and miseries away.

His reflections were abruptly disrupted by a convoy of streaking vans escorted by several police and military vehicles that blew past him causing a cloud of dust and dirt. As he squinted his eyes, he managed to get a glimpse of the black van at the center of the convoy. He nodded as though it was very familiar to him. A few years back, Mang Nestor recalled that it was the same black van that brought the town mayor to the plaza to deliver a campaign speech. A bus had brought him there, along with other people, to be part of the hakot crowd in exchange for a fifty-peso fee. The mayor then was running for re-election and was sincerely promising the townsfolk that, if re-elected, he will install deep-well pumps for potable water in their barangays as well as multi-purpose pavements to dry their palay. During the elections, he voted for the mayor not because he was moved by the promises made but because he had sold his vote to the tune of five hundred pesos. His neighbors said they received more but then again, he thought, five hundred pesos is still five hundred pesos. The elections are near again yet the promises remained unfulfilled but the prospects of making a little money amused him. This time around he will sell his vote to the highest bidder. He is convinced they are all the same anyway.

Halfway to his home, Mang Nestor decided to take a break from walking under the scorching heat of the sun. He found a big tree and gently sat underneath its shade. He appreciated the scenic view of the rolling mountains as he blew out a sigh of exhaustion. Near the base of the nearby mountain, however, there seemed to be clouds of smoke. Then he heard distant rumbling of what sounded like continuous cannon shelling. It is the war, he thought. How long would it take this time, he asked himself. It was a good thing he still has a half-sack of rice stored in his house. He had already conceded the possibility that his harvest would be completely destroyed. Besides, he had already loaned out almost all of it to the rice cartel operator in the area in exchange for the money he used during pre-production.

He now wondered how his life would have turned out had he joined the NPAs who were recruiting him several years ago. Would he be living a better life now? Most probably not, he thought. For he vividly remembered an incident a few years back when a band of NPA guerillas stormed their barrio and killed a man suspected of being an AFP informant. He could not understand why these people who fashioned themselves as the saviors of the masses would kill the very same people they claimed to be fighting for? Then again, he still would not have joined them because no one would take care of his family.

Mang Nestor’s wife, like him, is illiterate and could not be employed. Actually, only one of his six daughters had gone past grade six. Aside from the fact that he could not afford their education, he remembered what was taught to him by his own parents: “Knowing how to read and write your name; and how to count money are the only things you need to know to survive”. What frustrated him though, was the fact that he had no sons to help him in the farmlands. His two elder daughters had gone to Manila to work as housemaids. The next two are still at home helping their mother. The fifth daughter left for Davao to look for work a year ago but he had not heard from her since. His neighbors heard this vicious rumor that she had ended up working as a prostitute. While the youngest child, the brightest and the one who had the most promising future, had eloped at a tender age of fourteen. In deep thought, he had not noticed the tears that rolled over his cheeks. He asked himself, “What have I done to deserve this?” “Maybe I was not praying enough”, he answered himself back. But his family rarely missed going to mass. Nonetheless, he pledged to himself that this Sunday he would pray more fervently than the previous weeks.

In his reflections, Mang Nestor had lost track of time. He looked up and estimated the time to be way past noon, which was why he had grown hungry. He contemplated on resuming his long walk home but then he realized there was nothing to eat there except the boiled malunggay leaves his family had been eating for the past several days. So instead, he decided to lie down on his back and sleep.

The plight of Mang Nestor is but one of the more than forty million Filipinos or more than half of our population living way below the poverty line. Each one goes through a similar ordeal every single day. Their lives are the representations of the true state of the nation with all the societal problems, government shortcomings and the damaged culture that had made them poor, weak, and helpless.

This reality is far different from the picture of peace and progress being painted by the government. And what the elite and middle class are seeing is but a mirage, a wall of denial formed by their minds through the cloud of deception wittingly created by the present regime and unwittingly propagated by the media.

Indeed, where is peace and progress in the lives of the masses? Where is the government in the life of Mang Nestor? How does the trillion-peso national budget impact on them? Where is social justice? Where is social equity? Who is fighting for their rights? What does the future hold for the poor?

THE DYING REPUBLIC

Our Republic is dying. Even so, the present government is characterized by its pompousness, insensitivity and arrogance. It had been totally distracted from its mandate to uplift the lives of the poor and it had totally failed to protect the populace from crime and terror. In addition, there is a very inadequate and inefficient delivery of basic social services. Our sovereignty had been compromised and trampled upon by our subservience to 1st world countries and it reflects on our foreign and economic policies. Our territorial integrity is being endangered by secession and the communist insurgency remains a threat. In short, this regime has been devoid of any reason to exist.

Our people are literally dying of hunger in the countryside. Our society is slowly being engulfed by the fires of poverty, war and corruption. True enough, the social volcano is about to erupt.

Even as our country struggles to fight for survival, it is confronted yet by another masked evil, globalization. Globalization will finish off whatever was left by the oligarchy. Our industries and agriculture will not survive the avalanche of imported goods and services. We simply cannot match the advanced production capabilities of the western countries; neither can we compete against the cheap labor of China and India.

Where will our farmers and laborers go? Our local economists who are sold to the free trade concept have incessantly prescribed “finding a niche in the market” in order to survive and benefit from globalization. How? Are there still products out there that our country can produce with a comparative advantage over the other countries aside from our mangoes, pineapples, bananas and tuna? Our skilled labor may be our niche but this is conveniently excluded by the WTO-GATT.

Globalization will lead to a world monopoly or cartel of every product and service by a certain country. Once this happens, the free trade paradigm will be shattered and all nations will be at the mercy of those who own those monopolies. Globalization must be stopped. But it cannot be stopped by a regime that had been reduced to a mere lap dog by multi-national financial institutions. A regime that is willing to sell out anything and everything for as long as it can grab hold onto some droppings, which it can gorge on.

What are we to do now? Elections? Unfortunately, the problems are systemic and to certain degree, they are structural. Electing a new administration will not solve the crisis; it will only further institutionalize them. For the election process itself is a problem.

First is the ignorance of the electorate. What good is the will of the people if that “will” was made by an uninformed people? This is analogous to the people of biblical history choosing Barabas over Jesus. The people must first be taught or made to become politically mature enough to know how to choose their own public servants before they are allowed to choose at all. Money must never be a criterion for choosing a candidate.

Next are the candidates. Do we see any potential candidate who, should he win, would be morally courageous enough to turn his back against the oligarchs who funded his campaign in the first place? Or has the political will to fire treacherously corrupt and incompetent generals in order to reform the AFP/PNP? Is there anybody among them who actually has the heart and determination to uplift the lives of the masses?

If there were, then the corrupted electoral process itself will guarantee that such a candidate will never win. Or, if by some miracle he does win, he will have been corrupted or his principles and ideals compromised by the time he even sets foot in Malacanang.

Consider this. A decent presidential campaign is estimated to cost at least 3 billion pesos. In order to raise this huge amount, the candidate will solicit from the business sector. In exchange, certain concessions are made whether they are promises of future projects or presidential appointments, delay or dismissal of pending tax cases, environmental clearances, new or extension of mining or logging concessions, government franchises, land conversions, privatizations, etc.

After soliciting money through the business sector, the candidate will now solicit support from the institutional churches and civil society groups. Again concessions are made and, in addition, the candidate gives “donations” to these groups in exchange for their support.

But the candidate is not through yet. He will still have to contend with another emerging uncontrolled force in society, the media. This time the candidate gives a “research fund” to prominent broadcast personalities, publishers, columnists, reporters and editors to provide a subliminal and sometimes blatant PR campaign under the cover of responsible journalism.

Come Election Day to ensure victory, the candidate and his operators now pour money into the different levels of electoral process. From the precinct level where they buy votes and finance flying voter operations; to the municipal, provincial levels and up to the national board of canvassers where they can have totals altered through dagdag-bawas.

After all these, once the candidate wins, he will realize that the only decision left for him to make may well be whether to breathe or not.

Without a doubt, death is upon this Republic. It is inevitable and it’s just a matter of time. Again, the Filipino asks, what will be done to avoid this tragic fate? Indeed, he agrees that the situation warrants a regime change and that a government that is dictated by self-interests to accumulate more money or more power or to abuse or oppress the very same people they are mandated to serve and protect, has no right to exist and must be replaced at the soonest possible time, but how?

REVOLUTION

A revolution is a social phenomenon where a group of people initiates, by any means, a radical change of an existing socio-political order into another. From this definition, it could be deduced that there are three essential elements in a revolutionary movement – the cause, the vision and the patriots.

The cause is the inspirational force of the movement. It is the spark that ignites the nationalistic fervor of the people to rise against a system. The cause also gives meaning and face to what is being fought against. Moreover, it provides nobility to the revolution.

The vision is the end state to which the revolution will logically conclude. It is a new system that encapsulates the ideals and principles being fought for. It sets the standards for the new society. The vision also clearly delineates the fact that the revolution is not merely an instrument to release anger and hatred for the present system but a means to attain a truly worthwhile objective. Ultimately, it is the barometer from which the success or failure of the revolution will be measured.

The patriot is the individual who had been enlightened of his true environment – the reality of poverty, war, hunger, oppression, corruption, fear, anarchy and chaos. He refuses to swallow the grand deception being fed to him by the State and decides to fight for what is just, right and true. He realizes that the fight is neither for himself nor his family but for the abused and oppressed yet unenlightened Filipino. The patriot concurs with the collective vision of the movement. He also knows that he may have to sacrifice his own life in the pursuit of such vision, but he accepts it nonetheless.

Our country has experienced two revolutions in the past century, the Bonifacio Revolution in 1896 and the EDSA I Revolution of 1986. Both had valid causes. Andres Bonifacio and the KKK were revolting against an oppressive colonial rule and the EDSA I forces likewise, were fighting against an oppressive dictatorial regime.

Bonifacio fought for his vision of an independent republic and had the Katipuneros as patriots. On the other hand, the EDSA I forces fought for a vision of a free-society and corruption-free government and they had the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) as patriots.

Concisely, the two revolutions had all the essential elements but still were not able to realize their vision even though both had succeeded in assuming power. Why? How come these movements, which started out with the noblest of intentions ended up as failures?

From the lessons learned from these two historical events emerge a new concept, a new philosophy, and a new ideology: The Last Revolution.

THE LAST REVOLUTION

The Last Revolution is no different from all the other revolutions in the sense that it has the same three elements – cause, vision and patriots. It is only different in the way it will be unrelenting in its pursuit of change until it realizes the vision that it had so established. For once the vision is realized, there shall never again be a cause for the people to revolt. Thus, it is truly the Last Revolution.

The Cause: To save the dying republic and rescue the people from an oppressive government and a corrupt system.

The Vision: To install the New Order that is characterized by the following:

1. Lasting Peace and Prosperity for the country
2. A free, educated and responsible Filipino citizenry that is bound together by a National Identity uniting them regardless of religion, culture, social status and ideology
3. Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity
4. A truly Democratic government founded on equality and social justice with an election process reflecting the true will of the informed people
5. Governance guided by social equity
6. An efficient and professional bureaucracy of honest, humble, competent and hardworking public servants
7. Public policy-making defined solely by National interest
8. National Interest centered solely on public welfare

The Patriot: Every patriot shall voluntarily swear, with God as his witness, to the following oath:

1. I am willing to lay down my life in the pursuit of the Vision.
2. I will be loyal always to the National Interest.
3. I am willing to be a catalyst of change of an oppressive and unjust society into one that advocates equality and social justice.
4. I will respect human rights.
5. I will not commit any acts of corruption.
6. I will live a modest life commensurate to my legal means.
7. I am willing to be punished should I betray any decree of this oath.
8. I am doing this supreme act of sacrifice for God, Country and People with no promise of reward, compensation or recognition.

The Execution:

The Last Revolution shall be executed in four phases. It shall only be deemed a success if all these phases have been surpassed. Only then shall the vision be realized. Otherwise, if it fails even a single phase, the revolution would not be complete and it is but a matter of time that the old system resurrects itself.

Phase I- Assumption of Power

The actual revolution starts with the assumption of power. This will be done through all means necessary and must be absolute. The means will not be confined within the ambit of the constitutional framework. This constitutional shield has been the defense of the corrupt and the incompetent to restrain the enlightened patriots and pacify the abused masses. But does the constitution also tolerate a government that rapes its own people for money and power? Does the constitution accept a government that creates its own terrorists, blowing up innocent civilians, just so it can avail of foreign anti-terrorist funds?

Once the power had been assumed, all pockets of resistance will be crushed and the lines for command and control will be established and communicated to the people. The international community will then be informed that this patriotic move is not a terrorist act but a sovereign people’s demonstration of will to purify its own socio-political order.

If possible, damage to life and property would be avoided. But when it becomes necessary in the accomplishment of the mission, the mission to save their country from the true enemies of the state, the patriots will not hesitate.

Phase II- The National Recovery Program

After completion of Phase I, the patriots and the revolutionary masses now turn over the power to the National Recovery Council (NRC) to immediately set in motion a transitional government that will provide new policy directions and ensure the continuity of bureaucratic operations. The NRC will be composed of Filipino men and women of wisdom, integrity and selflessness with an unquestionable love for the country. They shall come from the different sectors of society and across the current political spectrum. The NRC shall be headed by a revolutionary President, who will also act as the head of State.

The NRC shall be guided by the National Recovery Program (NRP) along with the ideals set forth in the envisioned New Order as its framework for governance. The NRP is a strategic package of radical policy reforms that addresses the problems on peace and order, economy, poverty, corruption and population.

Upon assumption of power, the NRC will immediately implement the NRP to arrest the deterioration of the state and lay the foundation for a truly strong nation. This will fill the vacuum of public administration and set the tone for more comprehensive reforms to come. Most importantly, the NRC will instigate a top-to-bottom cleansing of the bureaucracy and weed out its corrupt elements. In addition, electoral reforms and education/indoctrination of the electorate will be prioritized.

Phase III- The Socio-Cultural Revolution

In order for him to survive the harsh environment provided to him by the State, the Filipino had pushed back most of the good traits of our culture and mutated it into what it is today – a cultural mishmash of subservience, insolence, corruption, greed, indolence, ignorance, indifference and helplessness.

Subservience is written all over our public policies so much so that our government had committed treason and placed foreign interest above our national interests. It is also evident in the Filipino’s better appreciation of anything made abroad. Insolence, on the other hand, had become prevalent in the elite, middle class and our very own public servants.

Corruption, greed and indolence are evident everywhere in the bureaucracy; in BIR, Customs, PNP, AFP, DENR, DECS, DA and all the other departments.

Ignorance and indifference have been deeply ingrained in the ordinary Filipino. He is ignorant of his rights and privileges as a citizen and indifferent to national and political affairs. The Filipino is still living up to the indio persona that was instilled in him by the Spanish colonial regime. Just like Mang Nestor, he had accepted his fate and had succumbed to helplessness. This is also manifested through the lowly taxpayer’s tolerance of the fact that the hard-earned taxes he pays only end up in the pockets of public officials. This helplessness to bureaucratic corruption is analogous to another sad social phenomenon happening today, that of a weeping woman who looks the other way as she sees her husband raping his own daughter.

Since society provides the people to man the government, it follows that the government will absorb whatever culture these people had once they join the government. So, for long as there is prevailing culture of corruption and greed in society, there will be a culture of corruption and greed in government. Therefore, once the government had been cleansed the next step is to cleanse the society itself.

The society, however, will not change on its own; there has to be a medium or a prime mover for change, in this case, the government. The government shall act as the irresistible force of change that will radiate towards society. This will be done through the dispassionate implementation of the law, imposition of a system of rewards and punishments, incentives and penalties, intensive education, re-indoctrination and value formation, and an unwavering leadership by example. Through these activities, the Filipino’s psyche and behavior will transform from initially being merely reactive until it becomes habitual and ultimately, it becomes cultural. All told, the government will create a controlled environment that will not necessarily restrict freedom or curtail human rights; yet, be able to mold a new culture reflective of a true God-fearing and peace-loving Filipino.

Phase IV- The Transition

The transition phase is the most critical phase of the revolution. Soon after the fires of the call to change had been extinguished, opportunism and complacency are bound to creep in and the New Order faces the danger of a relapse into its old ugly form. It is vital therefore, to guard the gains of the revolution.

This is precisely the downfall of the EDSA Revolution of 1986. Once the smoke of battle had cleared and the state of euphoria had subsided, the same politicians from the old system and a totally new breed of vultures managed to slither into the new regime and resurrected the very same system the revolution had intended to destroy.

This must never be allowed to happen. Thus, in order to perpetuate and institutionalize the ideals of the revolution, the patriots shall be embedded within the New Order – in government, in the business sector and in civil society. Their primary role is to become the conscience of the new order and continuously guide the state until it realizes the vision of the revolution.

It will be hard, no doubt. There will be those who will succumb to the temptations of power and there will be others who will shirk from the awesome responsibilities abruptly placed on their shoulders. Hence, the patriots must be resilient and steadfast in their resolve to be catalysts of change. They must, for the fate of the country is in their hands!

In all, the completion of all four phases should only take a maximum of 36 months. Thereafter, a new democratically elected government shall replace the NRC and steer the country to the path of peace and prosperity.

The Call:

Our beloved motherland is on the verge of collapse and she is crying for help. She is pleading for patriotic spirits to answer the call of duty and save her from destruction. Her people are at war; they are at war with poverty, hunger, ignorance and helplessness. She is calling on each and every enlightened Filipino to free them.

The call was heard. Now the call had been answered. Thousands of patriots stood up and thousands more are poised to join them. Soon, they will march to the halls of power and mark a glorious day in our nation’s history.

The Last Revolution is our country’s only hope for rescue from its inevitable demise. It is our only chance for resurgence into the great nation we never were. Let us therefore rally behind the revolution and help accelerate the process of change.

To the oligarchy that had long enslaved this country, the time for reckoning has come…

To Mang Nestor and all the Filipinos suffering like him, the long wait is over. Freedom is near…

The cause had been laid; the vision had been made and the call had been answered – LET THE LAST REVOLUTION BEGIN!

Mandirigma

Wednesday, July 1st, 2009

ni  JK Garcia

*tula para sa isang kasamang dati ay tinuturing kong kaaway.

ikaw ay isang obra na hinubog ng panahon
hinagod ng tumitinding hirap ng ngayon
kay husay na ginuhit ng pagsasamantala
ang angkin mong kariktan ay dahil sa iyong pag-alma

sa pinsel na tila di na gagana
maingat na inilapat ang kulay mong walang sing ganda
halaw sa imahe ng mahal nating masa

matikas sa pagtindig ang tulad mong mandirigma
at sa bawat musikang inaawit ng iyong mga tula
upang isalaysay ang ilang daang taon nating pakikibaka
paano ko ba maiiwasang puso’y di humanga?

(more…)

On the issue of Federalism as a system of government for our country

Friday, June 26th, 2009

By James Layug

10/16/08

Recently federalism has been an issue because of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity that was crafted by the GRP-MILF peace panel. The BJE included the very controversial MOA-AD that defined the territorial boundaries and political powers therein of the Bangsamoro authority which in effect is creating a state within the state. As a parallel effort, Senator Nene Pimentel has submitted to the Philippine Senate a joint resolution to convene the Congress into a constituent assembly for the purpose of revising the constitution that will create eleven (11) States out of the Republic and establish a federal system of government. Likewise in the House of Representatives, Speaker Nograles is also pushing for constitutional amendments through con-ass. Malacanang is very happy to support this development because a change in our form of government from central-bicameral republic to federal-parliamentary system would translate to term extension for GMA. Under these circumstances I am sharing my thoughts on Federalism… (more…)